Authors:
Dr. Shakira Hannah Osasona
Federal University Lokoja
Faculty of Social Sciences
Department of Political Science
shakira.osasona@fulokoja.edu.ng
and
Prof Rotimi Ajayi
Federal University Lokoja
Faculty of Social Sciences
Department of Political Science
matthew.ajayi@fulokoja.edu.ng
Abstract
No state can successfully live in isolation in today’s modern globalized world, hence, the need for states to interconnect across national boundaries. Nigeria and Benin Republic share complex relationship marked by cultural, economic and political ties. Their borders that span over 770km is a hub for informal activities including smuggling, arms trafficking, and several of such activities. Therefore, this study assessed the efficacy of Nigeria-Benin Republic border management policies in addressing these national and transnational crimes. The work relied on both primary and secondary sources of data, and adopted the realist theory in analysing the intricacies of the management of the border. The study found out that the Nigeria-Benin Republic border had remained problematic notably because of diverse political, systemic, primordial and attitudinal factors that were at variance with national ethos and value. The study recommended, among others, the strengthening of border infrastructure, enhanced information management and demonstrable political will of leadership of both countries in tackling the maladies at the two nations’ borders.
Key words: Nigeria, Benin Republic, Border, Border Management, National and Transnational Crimes.
Introduction
The relationship between neighbouring countries often plays a pivotal role in shaping regional stability, economic cooperation, and social dynamics. Within the context of Nigeria and Benin Republic relations, the countries share a longstanding relationship marked by cultural, economic, and political ties. The two West African nations have a shared border that spans over 770 kilometers, making it a focal point for various diplomatic, economic, and security concerns. Over the past decade, this relationship has evolved in the midst of changing geopolitical environment, economic fluctuations, and social transformations.
Historically, Nigeria and Benin have shared a complex relationship, influenced by pre-colonial ties, the legacies of colonialism, and post-independence diplomatic engagements. Their borders, marked by a blend of cultures, languages, and ethnicities, are centers of trade, migration, and cross-border cooperation.. However, they have also remained harbingers of tension, disputes, security concerns, and trade imbalances leading periodically, to strained relationships. Economically, trade plays a pivotal role in their relationship, with Nigeria serving as a critical trading partner for Benin. The border regions are renowned for their vibrant markets and cross-border commerce, culminating into hubs for informal trade and smuggling activities, such as petroleum products and rice. (Babatola, 2015).
Security along the porous borders have remained a significant challenge. Illegal trafficking in goods, arms smuggling, and insurgency have necessitated cooperation in border security measures and intelligence-sharing. Both countries have grappled with the threat of terrorism, particularly from groups like Boko Haram, further underscoring the importance of joint military efforts and intelligence cooperation. Diplomatically, Nigeria and the Benin Republic have generally maintained cordial relations, marked by high-level meetings and collaboration within regional organizations like ECOWAS. Nevertheless, from 2012 to 2022, the management of the Nigeria-Benin Republic border underwent significant changes and faced various challenges. This period witnessed both cooperation and tension between the two neighbouring West African nations in their efforts to secure and regulate their shared border.
At the outset of this period, the Nigeria-Benin Republic border was marked by several challenges, including porous borders that facilitated illegal activities such as smuggling of goods, arms and human trafficking. Informal trade routes were thriving, leading to revenue loss for both countries (Smith, 2013). These issues raised concerns about security and economic stability. In August 2019, Nigeria took a significant step by partially closing its border with the Benin Republic and other neighbouring countries to curb smuggling, illegal trade, and the influx of contraband goods, including rice and petroleum products (Otora, 2018). While this decision had a profound impact on trade, it was seen as a necessary measure to enhance border security and revenue collection. The border closure strained economic relations between Nigeria and the Benin Republic, as the latter heavily relied on trade with Nigeria (Adeyemi, 2021). Benin’s economy suffered due to the disruption in cross-border commerce, leading to diplomatic tensions and calls for negotiations to reopen the border. In 2020, discussions between the two countries resulted in some progress. They agreed to gradually reopen the border and put measures in place to tackle smuggling and other illicit activities (Daily trust.com, 2022). Both nations recognized the importance of maintaining economic cooperation while addressing security concerns. Despite efforts to improve border management and security cooperation through joint border patrols and intelligence sharing, challenges persisted. Smuggling remained a concern, with illicit trade networks adapting to changing circumstances. Informal trade continued to thrive, and the
effectiveness of border security measures faced periodic setbacks. It is within this context that this study assesses the efficacy of Nigeria-Benin Republic border management policies formulated to addressing these national and transnational crimes.
Literature Review
According to Leiter (2014), the porosity of the Nigerian borders is the major factor that encourages the proliferation of illegal arms, insurgencies, and all manner of smuggling in the country. Abdullahi (2010), situated 70 percent of the illegal small arms in the West African sub-region within Nigeria’s geographical space. William Hartung, a renowned arms dealer, also submits that arms deals thrive in Nigeria, and in West and Central Africa, because of conflicts in Africa, which create the pivot for the arms trade (Leiter, 2014). The flourishing arms market in Africa explains the source of strength for the Boko Haram insurgency in Nigeria, which makes it a perpetual threat to the nation’s territorial integrity security. The inadequate border posts for surveillance are worsened by the ill-equipped, poorly trained, and poorly remunerated personnel who find it rewarding to compromise with the insurgents.
Former Nigerian Immigration Head, David Parrandang, averred that only 84 approved entry points exist in the country while there is a staggering number of over 1,400 illegal routes. This shows that the illegal routes outnumber the recognized approved routes by 1,316, among which are 83 and 80 in Ogun and Adamawa States respectively. This could be a result of the huge flow of illicit activities that happen within the area and across the borders into neighbouring states. Okunade (2017) pointed out that these routes keep increasing on a daily basis as a result of the clandestine activities going on. And, as some are being foiled, new ones are opened up around the porous borders. These activities, which have long existed and carried out in the form of transnational crimes across Nigerian borders, have remained a challenge to the country’s economic and national security. The modus operandi of perpetrators of these crimes advances with changes in technology posing serious dilemma to law enforcers.
NBC News, a division of the National Broadcasting Company based in the USA, reported that current and former USA officials and arms experts have averred that a larger part of Boko Haram armory items was commandeered from overpowered Nigerian military stocks. The news report further credited a statement to a former USA Ambassador in Nigeria, John Campbell, that there were saboteurs who willingly gave access to Boko Haram to loot the Nigerian armories (Babatola, 2015); and that these terrorists only require the array of small and automatic weapons, mortars, grenades, car bombs, and mines to prosecute their brand of terrorism’ (Babatola, 2015).
On the economic front, the Nigerian border crisis has led to a decline in government revenue. According to Adeniran and Adejumo (2020), in their journal article titled Economic Implications of the Nigeria Border Closure on Livelihoods, the smuggling of goods such as rice, poultry, and textiles has led to a loss of revenue for the government, and also to a decline in local production as smuggled goods are cheaper than locally produced ones. According to Osaghae (2019), in his work on The Politics of Economic Diplomacy in Nigeria’s Foreign Policy, Nigeria is the most populous country in West Africa and plays a significant role in the economic and political development of the sub-region. The country shares land borders with Benin, Cameroon, Chad, and Niger. The relationship between Nigeria and her West African neighbours has been characterized by cooperation and conflicts.
Some scholars like Oluwatoyin & Ademola in their paper – Border Management in Nigeria: Issues, Challenges and the Way Forwardhave argued that Nigeria’s relations with her West African neighbours have been shaped by Nigeria’s economic and political interests in the sub-region, which have also been a source of conflict between Nigeria and her West African neighbours. For example, the closure of Nigeria’s border with the Benin Republic in 2019 and 2020 was due to Nigeria’s concerns about smuggling and other illegal activities through its borders (Oluwatoyin & Ademola, 2019). However, the border closure negatively impacted the economies of Nigeria’s neighbouring countries and violated the principles of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) treaty on the free movement of people and goods (Adeniran & Adejumo, 2020; Olukoya & Ademola, 2019).
The border closures have had particularly negative consequences for traders, especially informal ones along the Benin-Nigeria corridor (Mbaye, Golub & Chiehk 2019). This is because of the twined nature of the Nigeria-Benin economies (Mbaye et al,2019). Consequently, on February 10, 2020, Heads of State of ECOWAS set up a committee headed by President Roch Kabore of Burkina Faso to study and make a full report on Nigeria’s land border closure with her neighbours, as this violates the ECOWAS and AU protocols. The Nigerian government, on the other hand, averred that the border closure was a positive outcome for the economy as local production of food crops such as rice increased while local consumption of petrol has also reduced. Nigeria vowed to uphold the land border closure until its neighbours, mainly Benin, Niger, and Chad regulated their sides of the borders. Local rice producers unsurprisingly welcomed the development and aligned with the government that the anticipated results will gradually become noticeable.
Similarly, Omale, Olorunfemi, and Aiyegbajeje (2020) in their work Legal Viable Options to Incessant Closure of Nigeria’s International Borders, posit that though the border closures brought some gains to the country, in terms of increased revenues, numerous seizures of illegal materials, and encouragement of local production of rice,but also constitute a breach of the fundamental rights of genuine business persons. Their study furnishes a plethora of legal arguments that show the extent to which the state’s policies infringe on the rights of citizens. Uche (2022) in his review on the economy and border management in Nigeria, stressed that the Nigerian government implemented a land border closure policy in the interest of national security, allowing goods and people to be moved between Nigeria and her neighbours such as Niger Republic, Benin Republic, Chad, Togo, and Cameroon on an informal basis, with temporary clandestine workers, traders, cross-border workers, professionals, and refugees moving from one country to the next (ECOWAS). As a result, cross-border migration between Nigeria and its neighbours receives less scrutiny, and governments are less willing to act. Additionally, as modern mobility has a detrimental effect on the nation’s security, it is progressively becoming a matter requiring government policy. This facilitates the spread of foreign violence and criminality across national borders. As a result, the Nigerian government began a policy to close the country’s land borders.
According to Adeola and Fayemi (2020), in their work, The Political and Security Implications of Cross Border Migration between Nigeria and Her Francophone Neighbours, the Nigerian authorities have outlined the fundamental reasons for sealing the country’s land borders, namely, to enhance domestic agriculture and boost national productivity growth, hence reducing product smuggling and significantly cutting illegal rice imports. Additionally, the government’s justification for the border closure includes blocking the export of inexpensive fuel to the Niger Republic, Benin, and Cameroon.
This current study attempts to fill a yawning gap in the literature by focusing attention on border management policies of both countries aimed at addressing both national and transnational challenges occasioned by their geographical contiguity.
Theoretical framework
The study adopts the theory of transnationalism, which was popularized in the early 20th century by Randolph Bourne. The theory emerged from the increased inter-connectivity between peoples and the receding economic and social significance of boundaries among nation-states. Transnationalism is based on increased functional integration and multiple interaction or links of people, states and institutions across borders or beyond state boundaries, which can affect the capability of states. This increased interaction is facilitated by globalization. This theory opines that increased interaction between non-state actors (as a result of globalization) across borders has led to several impacts on the capability of states, notably the domestic policies of state actors.
The Theory emphasizes the growing importance of transnational connections and networks, particularly in the areas of migration, trade, and culture and suggests that these connections are reshaping the political and social landscape of the region. The theory gained popularity with sociologist Nina Glick Schiller and political scientist Linda Basch in the early 1990s, who saw it as “the processes by which immigrants forge and sustain multi-stranded social relations that link together their societies of origin and settlement”. The theory suggests that these multi-stranded social relations create complex transnational networks that span borders and influence social, economic, and political outcomes.
The theory’s major assumptions are:
- Persons are not bound to place, as much, as they are to space and technologies of place.
- There is cultural connectivity and reproduction and human mobility. Meaning that individuals or immigrants maintained cultural ties with their parent country and reproduce these cultural-related activities in their host country when the need arises.
- Some immigrants stay abreast of and influence the political-related occurrences of both their home and host country.
- The increased cross-border activities and interactions affect the capability of states. (Rosemberg, Boutain & Mohammed, 2016).
Thus, the theory offers valuable insights into the multifaceted dynamics of Nigeria-Benin Relations and Border Management between 2012 and 2022; the economic interdependence between two countries; the social and cultural connections across the border occasioned by movement of persons; and the place of transnational organisations, bodies and actors in promoting cross-border cooperation, environmental conservation efforts, human rights advocacy, and conflict resolution initiatives.
Methodology
This study adopts the descriptive survey research design. Here, the subjects were studied in their natural settings as against experimental condition. This enabled necessary information for the study to be obtained directly with the aid of both primary and secondary instruments, structured questionnaire and interview guide (IG) to generate primary data for the study. The sample size of 400 was derived using the Taro Yamane Formular from the targeted population shown below:
Table 1: The Population of the Targeted Respondents
| No | Site/Institutions | Population |
| 1 | Immigration Headquarters | 4,100 |
| 2 | Customs Headquarters | 3,800 |
| 3 | Others (DSS, Police, etc) | 3,075 |
| Total Population | 10,975 |
Source: NCC, 2022. https://www.zoominfo.com/c/nigerian-communications-commission/425390951
Nigeria Immigration Service, 2024
Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 2024
Nigeria Customs Service, 2024
Out of 400 questionnaire distributed, 360 were successfully retrieved. Purposeful Sampling Technique was used to select 35 officers made up Immigration, Customs, and other paramilitary staff on the Joint Border Patrol Team for the interview. A combination of content analysis of existing literature and statistical techniques with the aid of tables, frequencies and percentages methods were adopted for data analysis.
Discussion of Findings
Gender of the Respondents
Table 2. Distribution of Respondents by Gender
| S/N | Gender | Immigration | Customs | Joint Border Patrol | Total | Percentage |
| 1 | Male | 108 | 159 | 39 | 306 | 85 |
| 2 | Female | 22 | 21 | 11 | 54 | 15 |
| Total | 130 | 180 | 50 | 360 | 100 |
Source: Field Survey, January, 2024
Table 2 above shows the gender distribution of the respondents. From the table, 306 representing 85% were males, while 54 representing 15% were females. This shows that the male respondents were more than the female respondents. This can easily be understood considering the fact that the para-military which constitutes the bulk of the respondents is male dominated.
Age of the Respondents
Table 3. Distribution of Respondents by Age Group
| S/N | Age Grade | Immigration | Customs | Joint Border Patrol | Total | Percentage |
| 1 | 20-40 | 73 | 130 | 32 | 235 | 65.28 |
| 2 | 41-60 | 57 | 50 | 18 | 125 | 34.72 |
| Total | 130 | 180 | 50 | 360 | 100 |
Source: Field Survey, January, 2024
Table 3 shows age distribution of respondents. Among the para-military officers sampled, 65.28% were between the ages of 20-40, while 34.72% were between the ages of 41-60 which is the mandatory retirement age. The age distribution of respondent reveals that higher percentage of the personnel were within the younger age groups of 20-40 years. This is the age group that is more active and agile than the age group of 41-60. For border patrol and control, physical strength and capability among the age group of 21-40 years are part of the reasons for the higher percentage of this group at the patrol and border management and control units of the para-military agencies.
Qualifications of Respondents
Table 4 Distribution of Respondents by Qualification
| S/N | Qualification | Immigration | Customs | Joint Border Patrol | Total | Percentage |
| 1 | PhD | 3 | 4 | – | 7 | 1.9 |
| 2 | Masters | 17 | 20 | 11 | 48 | 13.3 |
| 3 | First Degree | 38 | 54 | 15 | 107 | 29.7 |
| 4 | Others | 72 | 102 | 24 | 198 | 55 |
| Total | 130 | 180 | 50 | 360 | 100 |
Source: Field Survey, January, 2024
The educational qualification of respondents is presented in Table 4 above. 1.9% of the respondents hold the PhD Degree, 13.3%, Master’s Degree, and 29.7%, the First Degree, while 55% hold different qualifications below the First Degree. The distribution shows that higher education, though a requirement, is not a major consideration for recruitment into every cadre of the paramilitary forces..
Data Analysis
This section presents and interprets data on the research based on the issues raised in the study.
Effectiveness of the Nigeria-Benin Republic BorderManagement Policiesinaddressingnational and transnational challenges
Nigeria-Benin Republic border management policies play a crucial role in addressing both national and transnational challenges. These policies help in maintaining security, preventing illegal activities and facilitating trade and movement between the two countries. It is an ongoing effort to ensure the effectiveness of these policies and address any emerging challenges. These border management policies address a range of challenges such as smuggling, human trafficking, drug trafficking, illegal immigration, and the movement of illicit goods. They aim to ensure the safety and security of both countries while promoting legal trade and cooperation.
Some examples of border management strategies include, establishing Joint border control units, conducting regular inspections and searches, enhancing information sharing between border agencies, and promoting cross-border cooperation and deployment of technology in securing the border. To elicit detailed opinion of the paramilitary forces on the effectiveness of the Nigeria – Benin Republic border management policies, table 5 gives a summary of views of our respondents:
Table 5: The Effectiveness of the Nigeria-Benin Republic Border Management Policies
| S/N | Statements/Questions N = 360 | A | NC | D | Total |
| i. | The overall Nigeria-Benin Republic Border management policies in addressing national security concerns are very effective? | 181 (50.3%) | 29 (8.1%) | 150 (41.6%) | 360 (100) |
| ii. | There are key challenges that Nigeria-Benin Republic relations should address to effectively tackle transnational crime? | 290 (80.5%) | 5 (1.4%) | 65 (18.1%) | 360 (100) |
| iii. | The current border management policies do not adequately address the issue of smuggling between Nigeria and Benin Republic | 300 (83.3%) | 5 (1.4%) | 55 (15.3%) | 360 (100) |
| Iv | There is need to effect some changes that can enhance the effectiveness of Nigeria-Benin Republic border management policies? | 320 (88.9%) | 1 (0.3%) | 39 (10.8%) | 360 (100) |
| V | The collaboration and coordination between Nigeria and Benin Republic can adequately address boarder security challenges? | 139 (38.6%) | 1 (0.3%) | 220 (61.1%) | 360 (100) |
Source: Field Survey, January, 2024
The paramilitary officers were asked if the border management policies are effective. As shown on table 5, only 181 respondents out of 360 representing 50.3% agreed, while 150 representing 41.6% disagreed, and 29 representing 8.1% expressed no position on the issue comment. The percentage spread merely shows that not too many people (50.3%) believed that the management policies adopted is capable of addressing the security concerns of Nigeria and Benin Republic.
The reasons for this may not be far-fetched. One could be the complexity of the challenges involved, such as the scale of illegal activities and the vastness of the border. Additionally, there might be concerns about the implementation and enforcement of these policies, as well as the need for continuous adaption to emerging security threats. It is important to have ongoing evaluation and improvement to ensure the effectiveness of these policies and address such skepticism as expressed by the percentage spread of the above questions.
The challenges that Nigeria-Benin Republic relations should address to effectively tackle transnational crime was further elaborated when 80.5% of respondents agreed that there are key challenges that Nigeria-Benin Republic relations should address with only 18.1% respondents disagreeing. Some specific challenges in border management include combating smuggling, human trafficking, drug trafficking, illegal immigration, and the movement of illicit goods. These challenges require effective coordination, advanced surveillance technologies, and strong border control measures to ensure the safety and security of the border region. It is an ongoing effort to address these challenges and find innovative solutions.
When put before the paramilitary forces in charge of border management that the current border management policies do not adequately address the issue of smuggling between Nigeria and Benin Republic a substantial number of 300 respondents out of 360 representing 83.3% agreed. This means that in spite of security measures put in place at the Nigeria-Benin Republic borders, it is still difficult to check smuggling activities at these borders. The inability to effectively control and secure the borders has had a negative impact on the relationship between Nigeria and Benin Republic. Smuggling activities have increased leading to economic losses and strained relations. Smuggling causes significant economic losses for both Nigeria and Benin Republic. It leads to a loss of tax revenue, undermines local industries, and distorts market prices. Additionally, it hampers the growth of legitimate trade and investment between the two countries.
On the need to effect some changes that can enhance the effectiveness of Nigeria-Benin Republic border management policies, only 39 respondents out of 360 disagreed, one was neutral, and 320, representing 88.9% agreed. This means that the border policies put in place between Nigeria and Benin Republic borders are falling short of people’s expectations, and needed to be addressed to allow for some innovations and flexibility that will stand the test of time to effectively enhance the relationship between the two countries.
To enhance the effectiveness of Nigeria-Benin Republic border management, several changes can be implemented. Strengthening cooperation between the two countries’ law enforcement agencies is crucial. This can involve sharing intelligence, conducting joint operations, and implementing stricter border control measures. Additionally, investing in modern surveillance technology, such as advanced scanning systems, can help detect and prevent smuggling activities regular training and capacity building for border personnel can also improve their skills and knowledge in border management.
On whether the collaboration between Nigeria and Benin Republic can adequately address border security challenges only 139 respondents out of 360 representing 38.6% agreed, while a larger number of 220 respondents representing 61.1% disagreed. One respondent was neutral. The implication of this is that the current collaboration and coordination between Nigeria and Benin Republic cannot adequately address their joint border security challenges.
Thus, in addition to collaboration and coordination between Nigeria and Benin Republic, there are other proactive measures that can be put in place to address border security challenges. One important step is to invest in infrastructure development alongside the border areas, such as building proper checkpoints, fences, and surveillance system. Implementing effective border control policies and procedures, including thorough inspections and documentation processes, can also help in addressing security challenges. Furthermore, increasing the presence of security forces and deploying technology-based solutions like drones or cameras can enhance monitoring and defer illegal activities.
With regards to the changes in cross-border business activities between Nigeria and Benin Republic, one of the key policies that had an impact was the closure of the border by Nigeria in 2019. This closure was aimed at curbing smuggling and illegal trade activities. While it had some positive effects in terms of reducing smuggling, it also caused disruptions on legitimate trade and economic activities between two countries. The border closure has since been partially reopened, but there are still some restrictions in place.
Indeed, the closure of the border had both positive and negative effects on the relationship between the two countries. On the positive side, it helped to address issues such as smuggling, illegal trade, and security concerns. It also led to increased revenue for the Nigerian government through proper customs procedures. However, there were also negative consequences. The closure of the border disrupted legitimate trade and economic activities between Nigeria and Benin Republic, affecting businesses, livelihoods, and overall economy of both countries. It strained diplomatic relations and caused tensions between the two nations.
While efforts are made to address these issues and improve relations, the border has been partially re-opened, with some restrictions in place. Both countries have engaged in dialogue and are working towards finding a balance between security concerns and promoting legitimate cross-border trade.
Conclusion
The initiatives undertaken by both countries and their impact on economic activities and regional stability, have given better understanding of the dynamics at play. This understanding helps identify potential areas of improvement and collaboration, as well as address any challenges that may arise. It highlights the importance of effective border management and cooperation in fostering economic growth, regional integration, and stability between Nigeria and Benin Republic. The Nigeria-Benin Republic border management policies have performed significantly in the area of boosting revenue for both countries especially from 2019 to 2022 when the Nigerian government partially closed her border with her neighbouring countries. It has also been applauded for its effort in curbing, though not completely, the issue of smuggling and other illicit activities along the border.
Recommendations
Based on the foregoing, the study recommends as follows:
- Strengthening Border Infrastructure: Both countries should invest on improving border infrastructure, including the construction of modern border posts, enhanced surveillance systems, and streamlined customs procedures. This will facilitate smoother trade and movement of people, while ensuring effective border management.
- Enhancing Information Sharing: Nigeria and Benin Republic should establish a robust mechanism for sharing information on border security, smuggling activities, and potential threats. This collaboration will enable timely and coordinated responses to security challenges and enhance border control measures.
Reference
Abdullahi, A. (2019). “Rural Banditry, Regional Security and Integration in West Africa.” Journal of Social and Political Sciences. 2 (3). 654-664
Adeola, G.L. and Fayomi, O.O. (2012). “The Political and Security Implications of Cross Border Migration between Nigeria and Her Francophone Neighbours”. International Journal of Social Science Tomorrow. Vol. 1, No. 3. 1-9 [3]
Adeyinka, A.M. (2014). “Trans-border Movement and Trading Activities across Nigeria-Benin Republic Border.” Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences. (MCSER) Publishing, Rome-Italy. Vol. 5, No. 1 (January) 415-423 [4].
Babatola, J. (2015). Challenges of Nigeria Borders and Frontier Security 1960–2014. Available at: www.researchgate.net/publication/313860814. Accessed on September 18, 2018.
Daily Trust.Com.https://dailytrust.com/porosity-of-nigerias-borders-and-insecurity.accessed.20 July 2021
Glick, S.N., &Basch, L. (1994). “From Immigrant to Trans-Migrant: Theorizing Transnational Migration.” Anthropological Quarterly. 68(1), 48-63. doi: 10.2307/3317468
Leiter, M. (2014). Former Director of the National Counter Terrorism Center and an NBC News analyst – NBC televised searchlight on Boko Haram Insurgency in Nigeria. May 21
Mbaye, A.A., Golub, S., and Chiehk, A.D., (2019). “Benin Informal Trading with Nigeria.” Economic Development & Institutions. LARES.
Okunade, S.K. (2017). “Perspectives on Illegal Routes in Nigeria.” African Research Review. 11(2). Available at: http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/afrrev.v11i2.2. Retrieved on April 28, 2017.
Olukoya, S.O. &Ademola, A. (2019). “Nigeria-Benin Border Closure and Economic Integration in West Africa.” Review of Development and Change. 24(1), 101–122. https://doi.org/10.11648/j.rdcs.20190101.16
Omale, M.G., Olorunfemi, J.F., and Aiyegbajeje, F.O. (2020). “Legal Viable Options to Incessant Closure of Nigeria’s International Borders”, African Identities. DOI: 10.1080/14725843.2020.1828037
Osaghae, E.E. (2019). “The Politics of Economic Diplomacy in Nigeria’s Foreign Policy.” Journal of Asian and African Studies. 54(7), 974–988. https://doi.org/10.1177/0021909618817383
Otora,O.A (2018). “Cross-Border Economic Flows Across Nigeria’s International Boundaries. implications for Human Security in Nigeria’s Western Borderlands. Portharcourt Journal of History and Diplomatic Studies. Vol.5(3) 2018:77-120
Rosemberg, M.S., Boutain, D.M. & Mohammed, S.A. (2016). Transnationalism: A Framework for Advancing Nursing Research with Contemporary Immigrants. ANSAdvNurs Sci. 39(1), 1-12
Soehi, T. &Waldinger, F. (2012). “Inheriting the Homeland? Intergenerational Transmission of Cross-Border Ties in Migrant Families.” American Journal of Sociology. 118(3), 778-813. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org-oala-proxy.surrey.ac.uk/stable/10.1086/667720.